The move comes only days after PSD withdrew from the governing coalition, leaving Bolojan’s cabinet without a parliamentary majority. The Social Democrats, previously part of the pro-European governing formula, are now preparing to vote alongside AUR, the main nationalist opposition force, in an attempt to bring down the Liberal prime minister.

PSD and AUR Move Together Against the Bolojan Government

The announcement was made by former PSD deputy prime minister Marian Neacșu and AUR representative Petrișor Peiu, confirming that the two parties are coordinating the parliamentary procedure against the government.

The no-confidence motion targets Ilie Bolojan’s cabinet after a period of mounting tension over budget cuts, public-sector reforms, and Romania’s obligations linked to European funding. PSD has accused Bolojan of pushing an austerity-driven agenda, while the prime minister has argued that reforms are necessary to keep Romania on track financially and to avoid losing access to major EU funds.

The political significance of the move is considerable. PSD had repeatedly rejected the idea of cooperation with AUR, but the decision to support a joint no-confidence motion has now placed the two parties on the same side of the most important parliamentary test facing the government.

Bolojan Refuses to Resign

Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan has refused to step down and has stated that he intends to continue leading the government, even without PSD’s support.

His position is that Romania cannot afford another prolonged institutional blockage while major reforms and European funding deadlines remain unresolved. The government is under pressure to meet commitments under the National Recovery and Resilience Plan, while also dealing with a large budget deficit and concerns from financial markets.

Bolojan’s Liberal Party has reacted sharply to the PSD-AUR move, framing it as proof of a new political alignment between the Social Democrats and the nationalist opposition. Liberal representatives have also warned that if PSD votes to bring down the cabinet together with AUR, future cooperation between PNL and PSD becomes politically untenable.

The Vote Could Be Extremely Tight

PSD and AUR together do not automatically have enough votes to dismiss the government. A successful no-confidence motion requires 233 votes in Parliament.

Together, the two parties are reported to control around 220 seats, meaning they would still need additional support from smaller groups, unaffiliated MPs or other opposition forces. This makes the next days critical, as negotiations and pressure on individual parliamentarians are likely to intensify.

If the motion passes, the Bolojan government falls. If it fails, the prime minister remains in office, but still leads a fragile minority cabinet exposed to repeated parliamentary attacks.

Romania Faces a Wider Political and Economic Risk

The crisis is not only a domestic power struggle. Romania is already under pressure because of its large deficit, reform commitments and dependence on EU funding. A government collapse at this point would deepen uncertainty over fiscal policy, public-sector restructuring, and the country’s ability to meet European deadlines.

The political timing is also sensitive. The coalition led by Bolojan had been built as a pro-European governing arrangement meant to contain the rise of nationalist forces. PSD’s decision to support a motion alongside AUR now shifts the balance of power and gives the nationalist opposition a central role in Romania’s immediate political future.

PSD Denies a Governing Deal With AUR

PSD representatives have tried to separate the no-confidence motion from the idea of a formal governing alliance with AUR. The party’s leadership has suggested that supporting the dismissal of Bolojan does not automatically mean entering a post-motion political agreement with the nationalist party.

However, the distinction may be difficult to defend politically. A joint vote to remove the government is, in practice, a coordinated parliamentary action with immediate consequences for the country’s executive power. For PNL, this is already enough to claim that PSD has crossed a line it previously said it would not cross.

What Happens Next

The next step is the formal filing of the no-confidence motion, followed by parliamentary procedure and a vote. The vote could take place quickly, potentially in early May, depending on how fast the signatures and procedural steps are completed.

If the motion succeeds, President Nicușor Dan would have to begin consultations to form a new government. That could lead to another attempt at a pro-European majority, a minority cabinet, or an even deeper political deadlock if parties fail to agree on a viable formula.

For now, Romania has a prime minister refusing to resign, a former coalition partner preparing to vote against him, and a nationalist opposition suddenly placed at the centre of the parliamentary arithmetic. The Bolojan government may survive the motion, but the political coalition that brought it to power has already collapsed.

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This statement was offered during an interview with the national TV station Prima News in Romania, and it comes as a reply to his entry ban to Moldova, recently prolonged for another five years by the pro-European administration of Maia Sandu.

I am a unionist. I have always been a unionist and was president of Action in 2012. Practically, peacefully, democratically, by the will of both parties, we advocated for the union of the two Romanian states of today, therefore, for the abolition of the state of the Republic of Moldova, de facto, a Stalinist creation. I can’t stand, and I will never come to terms with this concept of Moldovan statehood. I fought against it.

There is a Bessarabian poet, Andrei Ciurunga, from Cahul, who wrote a poem that defines this situation very well: “It’s not my fault for my country / It’s not my fault that I tamed the jackals / And that I cried out with a pained soul / That I don’t give a single Ceahlău to all the Urals / And that I hate the Prut border.”

I hate this artificial state called the Republic of Moldova; I have said it countless times

George Simion, Nationalist Party AUR leader on the statehood of the Republic of Moldova

He added that the Republic of Moldova would never enter the European Union, giving Romania and Moldova a similar relationship to Germany and Austria.

The European project is having difficulties at the moment. The Republic of Moldova will never enter the European Union and that does not mean de facto reunification, it means that we are like Germany and Austria. Or we Romanians on both banks of the Prut were separated by two criminals of history, two dictators, Stalin and Hitler, through the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, and I believe that the solution is in the current international treaties, in the current alliances of which we are a part, a union peaceful as the Germans did.

AUR Party Leader George Simion

Of course, George Simion doesn’t hate the people of Moldova or the territories, but only its statehood, which he considers artificial. He explained his statement in the same interview.

The gentlemen from Chisinau don’t want to; they expelled me; they want to have their state; they want to have a government, parliament, and president; they want to have their borders; they want to support them from Alexander Soros to the World Bank, and other individuals who keep The Republic of Moldova not in a Romanian orbit at this moment, but in a German orbit, in an orbit that belongs to the spheres of international influence. But at this moment, the state of the Republic of Moldova does not have these Romanian elements of its statehood.

George Simion on the influence Germany has in Moldova

Does Moldova see the unification with Romania as a risk to its stability? It seems so unless President Maia Sandu or any other Moldovan official explains what it’s all about with George Simion, a Romanian Member of Parliament and famous militant for the union between the two sister countries, being banned in Moldova. Ukraine applied the same sanction.

Rumour has it Simion met in Kyiv with the former KGB officers, FSB, but this is not yet backed by proof. Romania’s PM asked for a justification from the two states for the measure applied against a Romanian Member of Parliament, but no public answer has been offered.

According to the latest opinion poll conducted in January this year, AUR has grown steadily in the voting intention of Romanians, and it is now at 18.4%. This sort of statement made this party grow, and unless a solid explanation is offered, George Simion will continue to grow even higher.

The current ruling coalition in Romania has just announced shared lists for the Europarliamentary elections in June; one of the reasons behind the decision is “blocking the extremists (such as AUR candidates) from entering the European Parliament.” Unfortunately for those who conceived this alliance, AUR is steadily growing, and many votes will go to the nationalist parties AUR and SOS.

The SOS leader Diana Sosoaca is also growing, especially after actions like when President Zelensky was prevented from delivering a speech in front of the Romanian Parliament for fear of nationalist protests.

This means that the Romanian nationalists, manifesting for the unification with Moldova, have a good chance of securing more seats in the European Parliament than ever before. This is why the pro-Europeans are concerned with the evolution of the unionist leaders in Romania, whose growth favours nationalist opinion in a place where this behaviour is not readily accepted – Brussels.

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Igor Dodon, the then-Moldovan President, issued an order in 2018 to prevent George Simion from entering the country. As Dodon was supported by the pro-Russian parties, the presidential decree was viewed as Moscow’s order to forbid any pro-unionist movement within Moldovan borders.

The decree was prolonged with another five-year term in 2023, and Simion could not enter the Republic of Moldova until 2028.

The current Moldovan Prime Minister, Dorin Recean, justifies the decision: “Simion is part of the destabilization efforts against the Republic of Moldova.” Is he?

AUR’s president’s reaction was quick and blunt:

I am not surprised by the statements made by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Dorin Recean, regarding the decision to extend my entry ban. I was banned all my life in the Republic of Moldova, and this was due to my actions that openly aimed to unite the two Romanian states. At Ciolacu’s urging, Mr. Recean nonchalantly says that I am participating in an effort to destabilize the Republic of Moldova.

Yes, I agree with him, considering that the unionist movement destabilized the plans of the successors of Plahotniuc and Dodon and the Sorosist globalists who poured heavy money into Moldova to keep the country in perpetual uncertainty.

George Simion, AUR’s president, on his entry ban in Moldova

Former Moldovan officials, now without any public responsibility, tried to impose the idea that Simion was banned because he met FSB officers in Kyiv. Still, no evidence was presented to support this scenario.

This is why the Romanian PM, Mr Marcel Ciolacu, asked the two states to clarify things and offer a public justification for the ban. The power games in Bucharest might influence the moment the two countries reply to Romania’s PM intervention, which depends on how voting intention in Romania evolves. Let us not forget that we are in 2024, and the country has five rounds of elections, with Marcel Ciolacu and George Simion as potential political opponents during the Presidential campaign.

The question now is – why did the pro-European politicians in Moldova decide, as their pro-Russian predecessors, that Simion is still a risk to Moldova’s stability? And the ultimate question is whether the unification between the two countries is considered a destabilization effort.

Opinion polls show that the number of Moldovans who want unification with Romania is decreasing. In 2021, an opinion poll showed that Moldovans would instead choose to join the European Union – EU (50%) or the Eurasian Economic Union – EAEU (49%) than get back to their motherland, Romania (30%) or NATO (20%). The questions presented unique scenarios, and the respondents didn’t have to choose between them but to answer each one.

Instead of a conclusion here: if the current Moldovan generation desires to join the EU rather than unify with their sister country, the entry ban is entirely justified.

In this context, we must admit that George Simion’s efforts to unify Romania with Moldova have the destabilizing potential for a country that wants to be left alone to live its happy life or be part of the so-called European family of EU member countries after joining.

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Also, they decided to collate the Europarliamentary with the local elections.

AUR, the nationalist party led by George Simion, is the main target for both Socialists and Liberals during the Europarliamentary elections in June. AUR’s growth in popularity, based on lots of votes from the Romanians living abroad, could mean that the Euro skeptics could win more seats and create a more prominent political group.

The leaders of the two ruling parties, Marcel Ciolacu and Nicolae Ciuca, mentioned stability as the base of this political construction. The country needs stability; therefore, the two parties want to offer a stable political alliance. They also justified their decision to collate the local and the Europarliamentary elections with an opinion poll, supposedly conducted a day before the decision, whose results say Romanians want collated elections.

On the other hand, the Opposition parties denounce the Alliance as a blow to democracy and an attempt to confiscate the country’s ruling for the years to come.

National and European watchdogs are expected to say if the local and the Europarliamentary elections can be collated in Romania. Suppose these institutions give the green light to this initiative. In that case, there will be a complicated voting system in June, which will only add to the complicated political situation.

Strong opinions are saying that both Socialists and Liberals will lose crucial percentages, and they won’t be able to reach the desired 50% at the ballots. Currently, adding both parties’ voting intention, the math is under 50%, with the Socialists counting for 29.5 and Liberals for 18.8. Yet, with 18.4%, AUR is close behind the Liberals, and these percentages are in a predictable dynamic – the current ruling Coalition, especially after the alliance, is to lose some votes. At the same time, the Opposition, which includes the USR and the so-called Reformists, might win significant percentages in voting intention.

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We will not be genuinely sovereign until we reintegrate the Romanian state within its natural borders. Bessarabia must come home. Northern Bucovina cannot be forgotten, and southern Bessarabia, the land of Herța, Transcarpathia, and everything that was and is of the Romanian nation must return to the state’s borders. This is the ideal we must not forget. Moldova is known. Ștefan’s Moldova must be at home, in Romania.

Claudiu Tarziu, AUR co-leader

This statement attracted Ukraine’s attention, especially during the conflict with Russia. Anton Gerashchenko was the first Ukrainian official to react to revisionist statements. In a post on X, the current advisor to the Ukrainian Minister of Interior criticized the AUR leader.

Claudiu Târziu, one of the leaders of the Romanian party AUR, calls on Romania to annex four areas of Ukraine: Northern Bukovina, Southern Bessarabia, Hertsa region and Transcarpathia. He announced this on January 24th, 2024. Târziu’s appeals are consistent: on March 4th, 2022, days after Russia launched its full-scale invasion on Ukraine, he said: “I think there is a need to warm up relations between Romania and Russia, I admit the need for good cooperation between Romania and Russia, I am ready to do my part.” Earlier, similar claims on Ukrainian territories were made by Hungary’s ultra-right party. I know that many of these appeals are made for the domestic audience and should be considered within the contexts of the countries’ internal politics. However, I find it deeply concerning that such claims start to appear more and more often (and not just regarding Ukraine). One of the greatest achievements of the post-WWII worlds (paid for with unbelievable amounts of lives) is respect for territorial sovereignty as the base for global order. If Russia is allowed to win its unjust war against Ukraine, all those sacrifices will be in vain and the world will once again descend into chaos. I know I have many followers from Romania. I’d be grateful if you share how this politician and his party are perceived in your country, as I know that Romania supports Ukraine a lot. Thank you!

Anton Gerashchenko on Claudiu Tarziu statements regarding reintegration of former Romanian territories

The Romanian-Ukrainian issues are not only related to territorial reintegration; more recent issues regard the dragging of the Bistroye Canal, which, in the Romanian experts’ opinion, endangers the Danube Delta.

As all these nationalist opinions appeared during a problematic period for Ukraine under Russian attack, they are seen as extremist and pro-Russian. This is why the Ukrainian officials are so unhappy and react to any “attack” as they see these statements.

In 2023, Ukraine’s President cancelled his speech in the Romanian Parliament for fear the members of the other nationalist party, SOS, would boo him.

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Not only that, but this weekend occurred two significant events which could make AUR grow exponentially. The first one is the presence of Hungary’s PM Viktor Orban in Romania, where his speech attacked Romania and upset lots of people. Orban mocked the Romanian authorities, telling the Hungarian minority gathered at Baile Tusnad, at the Summer University, that the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs tried to impose on him what to tell and what to avoid during his speech. Among others, he stated, to the delight of the Hungarians present, that he had never said that Transylvania belonged to Romania. This controversial statement fuels Romanian people’s desire to vote for nationalist parties like AUR.

The second event is AUR’s launching of its candidates for the Europarliamentary elections 2024. Among them, there are famous people, but also current MEPs.

The same opinion poll shows that the coalition parties PSD – the Socialists, and PNL – the Liberals, lost people’s trust. The Socialists stayed at 31% voting intention, while the Liberals dropped to 18% from 20% in May.

Here is an explanation: the Liberals had the Prime Minister position within the coalition’s algorithm for a year and a half, and the Socialists have just taken the position. So, the tendency could reverse, with the Socialists dropping in voting intention, while Liberals could slightly grow.

Nationalism on the rise tendency is present in Europe, not only in Romania, and we see the far right growing in France, Germany and Italy.

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According to the answers, if elections were to be organized this Sunday, the results would look like this:

• PSD – Social Democratic Party (in power) – 28%
• AUR – The Alliance for the Union of Romanians – 22%
• PNL – The National Liberal Party (in power) – 18%
• USR – The Save Romania Union – 13%
• UDMR – The Democratic Union of the Hungarian in Romania (now in Opposition) – 6%

This is quite an exciting trend – while the Socialists and the Liberals, now forming the Governing Coalition, fall in voting intention, the Nationalists drastically increase. This trend follows the high inflation rate, the slowing down of the economy, and the people’s lack of trust in the Government.

The recent three-week strike of the teachers showed that society has far more profound problems, and disappointment with Government’s actions is acute. This is why the Governing parties – PSD and PNL, are dropping while AUR, the only Opposition party visible through actions rather than statements, grows.

Rumours of early elections are not rumours any longer, and political pundits expect such a move to be adopted by both PSD and PNL, for fear the Nationalists would grow even more.

Meanwhile, the recent PM rotation is seen as good by 12%, while 35% say it is terrible. 48% of respondents have a neutral attitude towards this topic, while 49% say things will stay the same. On the other hand, 34% say things will get worse.

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According to the poll results conducted by INSCOP, the situation looks like this:

• PSD (the Socialists): 34.4%
• AUR (the Nationalists): 20.6%
• PNL (the Liberals): 16.6%
• USR (the Reformists): 12.5%

An explanation for the rise of the Nationalists is how the Romanian Government handled the vaccination campaigns and restrictions. Romania is where some of the most rigid restrictions infuriated the population and increased the resistance against the pro-vaccination movements.

In March 2020, the Government considered properly taking out the militaries with armoured vehicles and machine guns on the streets as a deterrent to keep the population inside. At that moment, there were barely 100 cases of infections a day. With 30,000 daily cases, the same Government, formed by the Socialists and the Liberals, hesitate to take drastic measures.

The fear of not offering AUR a boost in the polls is also behind the decision to postpone the implementation of the so-called green pass in Romania. In December, on the 21st, AUR called protesters in Bucharest, in front of the Parliament, broke through the large gates, jumped over the fence and reached the steps of the building. The protest wanted to prevent the MPs from adopting the green pass in the country. Successfully, we might add.

AUR members are portrayed as anti-European, but their public actions and speeches are rather nationalist than anti-European. Meanwhile, both the Socialists and the Liberals adopted vital pro-European and pro-NATO speeches regarding vaccination and European policies.

It’s not the merit of AUR but rather the mistakes of the parties in power in Romania. The Socialists and the Liberals must understand that politics is not only about obeying orders coming from Brussels. Listening to your own people is an essential quality in democracy; it’s not populism. This is what AUR does. This is how the Nationalists have grown so far.

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The death of its leader, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, in 2015 made it even more complicated for the party to enter the Romanian Parliament again. This seemed to be the end of the nationalist movement in Romania.

The rest of the parties were so content about the failure of the nationalist to pass the required 5% to enter Parliament that they were constantly bragging about that, telling the Europeans that Romania doesn’t have any nationalist political formation in Parliament. The Romanian Socialists or the Liberals were quite convinced that this could make the Europeans start showing Romania a bit of respect.

However, it was not the case, as the Europeans had nationalist movements at home. Having or not having a nationalist movement in your backyard doesn’t mean anything. One country is not more or less civilized if it has a nationalist movement. It’s just the opinion of the voters, and every vote counts and has to be respected.

Now the situation is quite different. Another nationalist movement, more visible, action prone, and created on the same principles, is rising: AUR – the Alliance for the Unification of All Romanians. While PRM took its name from the Romanian territories’ unification, AUR means almost the same.

AUR succeeded in getting 9% of the votes during the last elections. It was enough to ensure they entered the Parliament. There was a shock for the Socialists and the Liberals at that moment. Now the surprise is even more significant.

After two years in the pandemic, with a growing pool of anti-European feelings, AUR has got to 17% voting intention with an increasing collection of anti-European emotions. From now on, the sky is the limit for the nationalists.

While the Socialists from PSD – Social Democratic Party dropped one point, the Liberals from PNL – National Liberal Party climbed one in the voting intention. Meanwhile, AUR reached 17%.

The rising of the nationalist movement happened in a context when this political formation behaved as the single one in the Opposition. This, of course, includes the latest protests at the Parliament, where people manifested against restrictions.

By taking the side of the majority of Romanians, fighting against restrictions, by manifesting against the abuses of the authorities, AUR leaders know they could go further, above 20%. This is when the party will play a significant role in Romania’s political and social life.

Along with this, we can expect two central ideas to be approached: the concept of the unification between the two sister countries, Romania and the Republic of Moldova, and the idea of opposing the autocracy of the European institutions. Euroskepticism will grow, and the thought of getting the country out of the European Union will increase awareness.

Does the European Union think Poland and Hungary pose a risk to the Union when discussing abandoning the European project? Wait and see what will happen in a year or so when AUR and the other parties will enter the pre-election year!

You might also be interested in reading the opinion poll in July 2023, which places AUR second in Romania.

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The initiative came in a challenging moment on the Romanian political stage. The country has an interim government following the dismissal of the Liberal government in Parliament. Also, the designated Prime Ministers failed to create a majority to pass their cabinets. In this context, Romania’s President will soon be free to dissolve the Parliament and start the early elections procedures.

The suspension of the president is not a premiere in Romania. Traian Basescu was suspended twice during his mandates, once in 2007 and 2012. Both times he succeeded in avoiding his suspension because the total voters didn’t meet the necessary 30%.

For suspending the President in Romania, there are three essential steps:

• 2/3 MPs vote for suspending the president
• the Romanian Constitutional Court gives the green light for referendum
• during the referendum there are 30% of the total number of voters to express their vote and the majority vote for the suspension.

At the moment, AUR has just started the media campaign to support the idea of suspension. Also, the party leaders started getting the necessary number of signatures from the members of Parliament to justify such a procedure. Besides, a website for helping people sign for the president’s suspension was launched on Monday, November 1.

Judging by the distribution of the seats in the current Parliament, there are negligible chances of making this procedure successful.

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