The Background: Orbán Backed Simion, Magyar Marched to Oradea

You can find the irredentist term at around 21.30 in the press conference below.

Hungarians living in Transylvania when he was supporting the Romanian George Simeon candidate. We decided to walk to Oradea, Partium, which is in Romania and we did 1 million steps on foot going through the smallest villages in Hungary and in Transylvania to our sisters and brothers outside the borders.

Premier Elect Peter Magyar using irredentist term Partium in referrence to Romanian territory

The chain of events began with Viktor Orbán’s speech at Tihany Abbey on May 9, 2025, in which the outgoing prime minister expressed support for George Simion, winner of the first round of Romania’s presidential election. Magyar immediately framed this as a betrayal, accusing Orbán of having sold out the interests of ethnic Hungarians living outside Hungary’s borders by backing a candidate whose past gestures — including dancing on the graves of Hungarian victims — Magyar described as an unforgivable offence against Hungarian historical memory.

In direct response, on May 14, 2025, Magyar launched the “One Million Steps” initiative, announcing he would walk from Budapest to Oradea. He completed the march on May 24, delivering a speech in the courtyard of Oradea Fortress, in front of the statue of Saint Ladislaus — a carefully chosen piece of medieval Hungarian symbolism on Romanian soil.

“Partium” — Anything But a Neutral Term

What caught analysts’ attention was not the walk itself, but the language Magyar chose to frame it. At his first international press conference after his election victory, he declared: “When he supported Romanian candidate George Simion, we decided to walk to Nagyvárad, Oradea, in the Land of Partium, which is in Romania.”

“Partium” is not a neutral geographical term. Historically, it referred to territories belonging to the Kingdom of Hungary — encompassing what today are Bihor, Satu Mare, and Arad counties, and parts of Maramureș county — and has no equivalent in Romanian historical geography. Its use by a politician about to lead the Hungarian government, to describe sovereign Romanian territory, carries unmistakable irredentist undertones.

The campaign to promote the “Partium” concept has followed a recognizable pattern over recent years: first the construction of an identity, complete with a freshly invented flag for a region that never existed as a distinct entity, with maps drawn by specialists at institutions funded by Budapest — including, in at least one documented case, bearing the logo of Hungary’s Ministry of Agriculture. A newly elected Hungarian prime minister’s adoption of this terminology is no slip of the tongue. It is a political signal.

Kelemen Hunor Summoned to Budapest

Within hours of his electoral victory, Magyar made a move that raises serious diplomatic questions. He announced he had spoken by phone with UDMR leader Kelemen Hunor and that consultations would continue in person the following week, in Budapest.

Kelemen Hunor is not a minor political figure. He is the long-standing president of UDMR, the party that holds three ministerial posts in Romania’s current governing coalition, including the Deputy Prime Minister position held by UDMR’s Barna Tánczos. UDMR is a constituent part of a sovereign state’s government. Being summoned for political consultations to a foreign capital by a newly elected leader of a neighbouring country is not standard diplomatic practice — it is the kind of gesture that treats officials of a sovereign state as subordinates answerable to Budapest.

Magyar framed the call diplomatically, saying he would tell Hunor he holds no grudge and that the conversation would focus on what they can do together for Hungarians in Romania, improving economic and cultural cooperation. The words are conciliatory. The framework is not.

A Pattern Worth Watching

Magyar built his entire symbolic offensive on the premise that Orbán betrayed ethnic Hungarians in Romania by backing Simion — a logic that turns Romania’s internal politics into a variable in Hungary’s electoral game. He accused UDMR leadership of participating in a smear campaign against him among Transylvanian Hungarians, funded by Hungarian taxpayer money, stating that the same party propaganda, financed by Hungarian taxpayers, operates in Romania.

In other words, Hungary’s incoming prime minister considers the funding of political activity within a neighbouring sovereign state and the summoning of that state’s coalition partners to his capital perfectly normal behaviour. For anyone who has followed the irredentist drift in Hungarian political culture over the past two decades — from autonomy maps to Partium flags to Orbán’s stadium-building across the border — the continuity of method, if not of style, is hard to miss.

Magyar won a two-thirds parliamentary majority — enough to amend Hungary’s constitution. His relationship with Romania, with UDMR, and with the broader question of Hungarian minorities will be one of the most sensitive files of the new government. The signals so far — the use of “Partium,” the symbolic march to Oradea, the Budapest summons for Romania’s coalition leadership — do not point toward a purely diplomatic approach. They point toward a style of politics that Bucharest would be unwise to ignore.

The post Hungary’s New PM Elect Uses Irredentist Word on Romanian Territory at His First Press Conference appeared first on Valahia.News.

Salvini Links Win to Brussels

Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini has said Peter Magyar’s victory in Hungary was helped by the European Union’s decision to block funds to Budapest. He suggested the move created frustration among voters and fueled a backlash that ultimately worked against Orbán. The comments came after Magyar’s win ended the Hungarian leader’s long dominance — though what exactly replaces it remains an open question.

Salvini’s remarks fit his broader anti-Brussels message, but they are not easy to dismiss. The League leader has long defended nationalist governments across Europe and sided with Orbán on sovereignty and migration. His reading of the Hungarian result — that financial pressure from Brussels carries political consequences — is a point that goes beyond ideology and sits uncomfortably close to the facts.

Migration in Focus

Salvini also argued that Orbán’s refusal to accept mass immigration had been a pillar of his political support for years. In his view, the Hungarian leader’s tough stance on borders resonated with a large part of the electorate, and that sentiment did not vanish on election night. Magyar won, but the voters who backed Orbán’s line on migration remain.

That detail matters. Salvini’s own politics have always centred on border control and national sovereignty, and he sees Hungary’s result not as a rejection of those values but as a warning about what happens when Brussels applies enough financial pressure. Whether Magyar shares that read — or can afford to ignore it — will define his first months in office.

Magyar’s Challenge

Magyar campaigned on restoring trust with the European Union and unlocking frozen funds. He presented himself as a reform candidate, promising to reduce corruption and rebuild Hungary’s standing with Western partners. European leaders were quick to welcome the result, which in itself may become a problem — being embraced too visibly by Brussels is not always an asset in Central European politics.

The EU had frozen billions of euros over rule-of-law concerns, procurement issues, and questions about institutional independence. That dispute shaped the campaign, but it does not disappear with a change of government. Magyar will now have to show that his promises translate into structural change rather than a softer face on the same concentrated power.

Bucharest Watches, But Does Not Celebrate

Romania has noted Magyar’s victory with cautious interest rather than open relief. The change in Budapest removes one source of friction — Orbán’s government was never an easy neighbour — but it does not erase the underlying tensions that have defined Romanian-Hungarian relations for decades. Magyar is a new face, not a new set of issues.

Not only that, but Romania has extensive experience with EU influence in national elections, and the result in Romania is not to everyone’s satisfaction.

The ethnic Hungarian minority in Transylvania, the role of UDMR in Romanian coalition politics, the question of dual citizenship, and Budapest’s long-standing habit of speaking on behalf of Hungarians abroad did not become irrelevant on election night. These are structural realities that outlast any government. Romanian officials have so far avoided enthusiasm, and that restraint is deliberate.

There is also the question of what a pro-EU Hungary actually means for Bucharest. A Budapest that is back in Brussels’ good graces and drawing down frozen funds is a Budapest with more resources and more influence — not necessarily a more comfortable neighbour. Romania has spent years navigating a Hungary that was isolated and combative. A rehabilitated and ambitious Hungary may require a different kind of attention.

For now, Bucharest will wait. Magyar has promises to keep, a fragile mandate to protect, and a country to stabilise before he turns to regional diplomacy. Romania has seen enough changes of government in the region to know that election results and governing realities are rarely the same thing.

Salvini’s intervention is a reminder that Hungary’s election is being interpreted in very different ways depending on where you stand. For Magyar’s supporters, it was a democratic reset and a path back to Europe. For nationalist figures across the continent, it was further proof that Brussels’ financial leverage is a double-edged weapon — one that can shift elections but also deepen resentment.

Magyar enters office with high expectations, a fragile coalition, and a country that was evenly divided not long ago. The harder question is not whether he won, but whether winning on a pro-EU platform is enough to govern a country where Orbán’s base did not simply dissolve. The answer to that will matter well beyond Budapest.

The post Matteo Salvini: Brussels’ Money Freeze and Hungary’s Hard Line on Immigration Cost Orbán the Election appeared first on Valahia.News.

The discussions focused on strengthening the relationship between Romania and Hungary, with a particular emphasis on practical cooperation that benefits citizens of both countries, regardless of ethnicity. Key topics included boosting trade, which reached over 13.3 billion euros in 2024, and developing joint infrastructure and interconnectivity projects, such as improved road and rail links, as well as collaboration in the energy and digital sectors.

Prime Minister Bolojan emphasised Romania’s commitment to a constructive partnership founded on genuine cooperation and tangible outcomes. Both leaders emphasised the importance of building on Romania’s recent accession to the Schengen Area, which is expected to take effect early in 2025, thereby simplifying border crossings and opening up new opportunities for economic exchange and citizen mobility.

On the European Union front, Bolojan highlighted Romania’s commitment to European unity and solidarity, particularly in the face of ongoing challenges such as the energy crisis and regional security issues. He also pointed out the need for enhanced regional development projects in partnership with neighbouring countries, Hungary included, to foster stability and prosperity in Central and Eastern Europe.

This meeting signals a promising renewal of Romanian-Hungarian ties, emphasising economic growth, infrastructure cooperation, and energy collaboration aimed at benefiting the broader region. The recent opening of 10 new border crossing points following Romania’s Schengen integration further supports this renewed partnership.

The ongoing dialogue between Bucharest and Budapest is viewed as a key factor in promoting stability, development, and closer ties within the region.

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I consider it completely inappropriate that the Hungarian Permanent Representative presents the National Atlas of Hungary to his colleagues at NATO in Brussels as a Christmas gift. We are analyzing its content in more detail, but it is extremely unusual that ambassadors of other countries to NATO are presented with a controversial atlas, in which, although Greater Hungary is not explicitly mentioned, the maps and accompanying texts are controversial. We are therefore discussing this unacceptable act with our colleagues from Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. Because today’s geopolitically challenging times, full of security threats, require more dialogue and unity between European and transatlantic allies.

Gordan Grlić Radman

This atlas, which includes references to the historical concept of “Greater Hungary,” has drawn sharp criticism from Croatian officials and raised concerns among neighbouring countries, particularly Romania.

As it was later revealed, the Romanian official received the same gift but never made it public. The Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs formally protested the Hungarian Ministry on December 18. Still, it didn’t communicate it publicly until the Croatian minister chose to present the irredentist gesture of the Hungarian ambassador to NATO. This could mean that Romania considered the gesture a minor mistake from the Hungarian ambassador to NATO or that the Romanian officials didn’t want to upset their counterparts in Budapest.

One reason could be Hungary’s decisive help to Romania to enter the Schengen area in January 2025, a promise which Hungarians had made and kept to support Romania in its way to fully joining the free economic space.

On the other hand, the Hungarian minority party in Romania, UDMR, is now part of the ruling coalition in Romania. For the first time in history, the party’s representative entered the Supreme Council for National Defence – this could’ve influenced the Romanian officials’ decision to keep it away from the public’s eyes.

The Gift and Its Implications

The atlas, published in 2021 as part of the National Atlas of Hungary series, depicts the Carpathian Basin, extending beyond Hungary’s current borders. Grlić Radman expressed his discontent on social media, labelling the gift as “inappropriate” and noting that while the atlas does not explicitly mention “Greater Hungary,” it contains problematic maps and accompanying texts.

He emphasized that such gestures are unacceptable, especially in a contemporary European context where respect for internationally recognized borders is paramount.

In light of this incident, Grlić Radman said he would discuss the matter with his Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia counterparts. The Slovenian Foreign Ministry also weighed in, underscoring the importance of respecting agreed-upon borders and expressing concern over the historical narratives such gifts may evoke.

Romanian Disapproval

On December 18, 2024, the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a formal statement expressing disapproval of the atlas incident. The ministry condemned the gesture as undermining the spirit of cooperation essential within NATO and highlighted that actions perceived as promoting irredentism are unacceptable. This official response reflects Romania’s sensitivity to historical grievances related to territorial claims and its commitment to maintaining stable relations with its neighbours.

Still, the protest hadn’t been made public until the Slovenian minister published the irredentist gesture of a Hungarian official on X.

Historical Context and Reactions

The “Greater Hungary” concept refers to the territories that were part of Hungary before World War I, which now belong to several neighbouring countries, including Romania, Slovakia, and Ukraine. This historical grievance has often been a source of tension between Hungary and its neighbours.

The current incident echoes previous controversies, such as when Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán was criticized for wearing a scarf depicting Greater Hungary at a football match.

Hungarian media outlets have reported on the incident with varying perspectives. Telex highlighted Grlić Radman’s remarks about the atlas being unusual as a diplomatic gift and noted discussions among regional politicians regarding its implications. Index.hu reported on the broader context of Hungarian nationalism and how such actions might affect regional diplomatic relations.

Broader Implications for Regional Relations

The atlas incident indicates ongoing sensitivities surrounding national identity and territorial claims in Central Europe.

As countries navigate their historical grievances while striving for cooperation within frameworks like NATO and the European Union, gestures like these can complicate diplomatic relations.

Slovenia’s Foreign Ministry emphasized the need for prudence in discussing historical borders and reiterated its commitment to building strong relations based on mutual respect with Hungary and neighbouring countries.

As discussions continue among Croatia, Romania, Slovenia, and Slovakia regarding this incident, the focus will likely remain on fostering dialogue while addressing underlying national identity and history tensions.

The controversy surrounding the Hungarian atlas serves as a reminder of the delicate balance in Central European politics, where historical narratives continue to shape contemporary diplomatic interactions. With Romania’s clear disapproval adding weight to regional concerns about irredentism, stakeholders must navigate these complexities carefully to maintain stability in their relationships.

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Austria was the last country to deny Romania’s entry into the Schengen area, despite Romania fulfilling all the criteria for joining the free economic space.

Hungary’s Commitment to Romania’s Schengen Accession

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his government have consistently supported Romania’s full integration into the Schengen Area. Throughout 2024, Hungarian officials, including Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó, emphasized that Romania’s accession is in Hungary’s national interest.

They highlighted that eliminating land border checks would reduce long wait times for travellers and enhance economic ties between the two countries, which are significant trade partners.

During informal discussions on November 22, 2024, the interior ministers of Romania, Bulgaria, and Austria signed a declaration confirming that all barriers to Romania’s Schengen membership had been removed. Orbán reiterated Hungary’s commitment to ensuring Romania and Bulgaria could join the Schengen Area by early 2025, marking a historic milestone in their European integration efforts.

In Contrast, Cold Diplomatic Reception from Romania’s President

In contrast to Hungary’s warm support, Romanian President Klaus Iohannis exhibited a notably cold demeanour towards Orbán during their recent interactions. A striking incident occurred at an informal European Council meeting on November 7, where Iohannis was seen turning his back on Orbán before eventually acknowledging him with a brief handshake.

This moment was widely reported and interpreted as a sign of the strained relationship between the two leaders. Iohannis has previously criticized Orbán’s nationalistic rhetoric and policies, particularly concerning ethnic Hungarians in Romania. While he has occasionally sought cooperation with Hungary for strategic purposes, his recent behaviour suggests a reluctance to embrace Orbán amid ongoing tensions fully. This coldness starkly contrasts the collaborative spirit that Hungary has demonstrated throughout the Schengen accession process.

As Hungary fulfils its promise to support Romania’s entry into the Schengen Area, the contrasting diplomatic approaches highlight the complexities of their bilateral relationship. Hungary’s proactive stance has paved the way for significant progress, while Romania’s leadership exhibits caution in its engagement with Orbán. This dynamic will be crucial as both nations move forward into a new chapter of European integration.

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This shocking snub lasted a bewildering 19 seconds, as Iohannis chose to engage with his Chief of Protocol instead of acknowledging Orban, who stood awkwardly smiling in the background.The incident has sparked outrage among Romanians and raised eyebrows across Europe.

Critics are quick to label this behavior as not just a personal affront to Orban but a national embarrassment for Romania. While leaders from other countries were greeted warmly with handshakes and smiles, Iohannis’ cold dismissal of Orban stood out like a sore thumb, highlighting the growing rift between Romania and Hungary.

This isn’t just a momentary lapse in etiquette; it reflects deeper tensions rooted in historical grievances and territorial disputes. Iohannis has long accused Orban’s government of harboring ambitions over Transylvania, a region with a significant ethnic Hungarian population. His actions at the summit have reignited discussions about these fraught relations and have left many questioning whether Iohannis is fit to represent Romania on such an important stage.

As Romania strives for greater integration within the European Union and aims to complete its Schengen accession process, incidents like this could undermine its diplomatic efforts.

As observers await his next move, one thing is clear: the Romanian president must mend fences quickly or risk further alienating his country on the world stage.

The post President Iohannis Shames Romania: Diplomatic Faux Pas Turns Heads at European Summit appeared first on Valahia.News.

The competition was very high and represented practically the first “test” of this year, before the Olympic Games in Paris. The objective was to see the strong points and where work still needs to be done so that the evolution of the rowers will be the best in Paris. The athletes gave their best and raced very well. At the same time, they learned from their mistakes where appropriate and are more determined than ever to become even better until the Olympics.

Elisabeta Lipă, president of the Romanian National Sports Agency,

GOLD Medals

• Lightweight women’s double rowing (LW2x) – Ionela Cozmiuc and Gianina van Groningen won the first gold medal for Romania at the European Championships in Szeged in the final of the LW2x event. It is the first medal Ionela and Gianina, world champions in 2017 and 2018, won together at a European championship.
• Women’s double sculls (W2-) – The team formed by Roxana Anghel and Ioana Vrînceanu dominated the race from start to finish and won the third consecutive continental title. Only the Camelia Lupașcu/Nicoleta Albu tandem has more medals won at the European Championships – 4 consecutive golds. Romania has 18 continental medals, 12 GOLD, 3 SILVER and 3 BRONZE in this event.
• Men’s double rowing (M2x) – Florin Enache and Andrei Cornea produced a pleasant surprise by winning the first gold medal in this event in the history of Romanian participation in the European Championships. Romania also has one silver (2018) and one bronze (2019) in its records.
• Women’s 8+1 (W8+) – The flagship boat of Romanian rowing, the women’s 8+1, in which Simona Radiș, Ioana Vrînceanu, Amalia Bereș, Mădălina Bereș, Maria Lehaci, Adriana Adam, Roxana Anghel, Magda Rusu and Victoria Petreanu won the 8th consecutive title. Romania only got the European bronze once in 2015 and missed the podium only once in 2016.

SILVER medals

• Men’s double sculls (M2-) – Florin Lehaci and Florin Arteni debuted with a medal as a crew in this event. The two Romanians did an excellent tactical race and crossed the finish line in second place, after Great Britain and ahead of Switzerland. It is the 5th double hull medal in European history, with 2 GOLD (2020, 2022), 2 SILVER (2019, 2024) and 1 BRONZE (2018).
• Women’s four-stroke (W4-) – Mădălina Bereş, Maria Lehaci, Magdalena Rusu and Amalia Bereş won the silver medal, being surpassed in the last 500 m only by the crew from Great Britain who took the gold. The Dutch crew completed the podium.

BRONZE medals

• Women’s double rowing (W2x) – Olympic and world champions Simona Radiș and Ancuța Bodnar won their first bronze medal. In the history of European competition, Romania’s double sculls have won 4 gold medals (2020, 2021, 2022, 2023), one silver (2019) and two bronze medals (2012, 2024).
• Men’s 8+1 (M8+) – The men’s 8+1 team consisting of Mihăiță Țigănescu, Ciprian Tudosă, Florin Arteni, Mugurel Semciuc, Constantin Adam, Sergiu Bejan, Ștefan Berariu, Florin Lehaci and Adrian Munteanu were surpassed by athletes from Marea Great Britain, who crossed the finish line first and those from Germany, who thus won the silver.

Romania’s rowing team, coordinated by coach Antonio Colamonici, is in preparation for the Paris 2024 Olympic Games. The European Championships were a helpful check, as the peak of the rowers’ form was to be reached in Paris.

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The separatists even proposed a name for the territory they would’ve liked to become independent – Szeklerland. It is not the first time the controversial name has appeared on the separatists’ agenda – this so-called ‘independent territory’ symbolizes Hungarian revisionism in Romania, as the Hungarian politicians also conceived a flag for this territory and illegally raised it on public buildings.

Hungarian revisionism and separatism have become increasingly aggressive over the last decade, fueled by the dependency of the ruling parties in Romania on political allies. UDMR, the Hungarian minority revisionist party, has been in alliance with the ruling parties in Romania for decades, which offered them the potential to pressure the Government for more and more rights for their electorate.

Also, the Government in Budapest knows how to fuel this movement. Hungarian PM Viktor Orban wearing a revisionist scarf at a football game, with the map of the so-called “Greater Hungary,” is a way to draw attention from the highest level upon the trials of the revisionists to destabilize Romania.

The Hungarian minority is scattered throughout the country, but mostly in central Romania, Covasna, Harghita, and Mures, the three counties the separatists see as independent territories with their language and local laws.

The separatist movement in Romania acts bluntly against the state’s Constitution, which mentions the territorial indivisibility of the country’s territory. This doesn’t seem to bother the Hungarian minority politicians who have their agenda, and occasionally, they try to force revisionist draft bills in Parliament.

The post Romanian Senate Rejects Revisionist Draft Bill Proposed by Hungarian Separatists appeared first on Valahia.News.

During a joint press conference with Romanian Minister of Transport and Infrastructure Sorin Grindeanu in Timisoara, Romania, Szijjártó said the Kübékháza-Beba Veche crossing would be opened within two years, while the Magyarcsanád-Cenad crossing would involve the reconstruction of a bridge over the Maros River that was bombed in 1940.

The number of border crossings between Hungary and Romania will rise to 14 as a result, he added. Moreover, there is the possibility of increasing this number as well. Szijjártó noted that two motorway crossings between the countries were set to be completed by 2025 and 2030.

In this context, at the press conference, Szijjártó urged Austria “not to obstruct” Romania’s accession to the European Union’s passport-free Schengen zone.

I want to ask – in order not to use the word instruct – politely but firmly of our Austrian friends that they do not obstruct Romania’s Schengen accession this fall.

Hungary’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Schengen admission for Romania

Szijjártó added that Romania’s accession to the Schengen zone as soon as possible is in Hungary’s national interest. Hungarian, European and Romanian companies lose tens of millions of Euros if the country is not in Schengen, as border control delays merchandise transport and favours fuel consumption.

Romania has been blocked from Schengen admission by Austria. Following this obstruction, Romanians started boycotting the Austrian companies.

The enlargement of the Schengen area is not a priority for the Spanish presidency of the Council of the European Union. Still, Romania has never lost hope of being admitted to Schengen along with Bulgaria.

The post Hungary, Romania Agree to Open Two More Border Crossings appeared first on Valahia.News.

He interviewed Andrew Tate in his house in Bucharest and Viktor Orban in Budapest, to name the last ones he met. And right after visiting Romania, Carlson made an awful joke about Transylvania during his speech in Budapest.

Precisely, if you don’t have time to browse the video in the X post above, he stated, addressing the Hungarian audience, that:

You’re not rolling across the border to reclaim territory you lost after the First World War. That could happen, but it’s not happening now anyway. Transylvania is safe in Romanian hands at the moment.

Tucker Carlson on Transylvania during speech in Budapest

Of course, this wouldn’t be the first or the last revisionist comment on Transylvania. But, when it comes from an international TV and internet personality like Carlson, it tends to stick longer to public consciousness.

Either way, this remark made Carlson lose good points in Romania, which is generally closer to Republican views than the American former host could conceive. And this is not something he imagined when he joked about Transylvania while delivering the speech in Hungary’s Capital city.

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