The move restores a status first granted to Băsescu in 2016 and later withdrawn by former Moldovan President Igor Dodon, a pro-Russian politician who accused the former Romanian head of state of disrespecting Moldova’s independence because of his open support for reunification with Romania.

For Maia Sandu, the decision is more than a legal correction. It is a political signal sent from Chișinău to Bucharest, to Moldovan citizens with Romanian identity, and to the pro-Russian camp that tried for years to frame Romanian influence as a threat to Moldova.

Maia Sandu Sends a Message to Băsescu: “We Are Waiting for You at Home”

Maia Sandu publicly welcomed the restoration of Băsescu’s citizenship and thanked the former Romanian president for his support for the Republic of Moldova.

Her message carried clear symbolic weight. Sandu said that Băsescu had understood the struggle of Moldovan citizens to preserve their identity, the Romanian language and their European future. She also referred to his role in supporting the reacquisition of Romanian citizenship by citizens of the Republic of Moldova and in backing scholarships for young Moldovans.

The most quoted part of her message was direct: “We are waiting for you at home.”

In Moldovan politics, such wording is rarely neutral. It places Băsescu not only in the category of a foreign political ally, but in the wider Romanian space to which many Moldovans feel they belong historically, culturally and linguistically.

Băsescu First Became a Moldovan Citizen in 2016

Traian Băsescu and his wife, Maria Băsescu, first received Moldovan citizenship in 2016, during Nicolae Timofti’s presidency.

At the time, the move was already politically charged. Băsescu was not simply a former Romanian president asking for a second citizenship. He was one of the loudest political voices in Romania supporting the reunification of Romania and the Republic of Moldova.

His position made him a hated figure among Moldovan politicians aligned with the pro-Russian or “Moldovanist” camp, which has long sought to separate Moldova’s identity from Romania and keep the country within Moscow’s sphere of influence.

Igor Dodon Withdrew Băsescu’s Citizenship

In January 2017, shortly after becoming president, Igor Dodon signed a decree withdrawing Băsescu’s Moldovan citizenship.

Dodon argued that Băsescu had unlawfully obtained citizenship and claimed that the former Romanian president did not respect Moldova’s sovereignty because he openly supported union with Romania.

The decision was immediately seen by Băsescu’s supporters as a political attack. It was also read in Bucharest as part of Dodon’s wider attempt to distance Moldova from Romania and bring the country closer to Moscow.

Băsescu challenged the decision in court, but the process did not lead to the restoration of his citizenship during Dodon’s presidency.

A Symbolic Reversal of the Dodon Era

The restoration of Băsescu’s Moldovan citizenship under Maia Sandu marks a symbolic reversal of the Dodon period.

Dodon used the presidency to promote a political line closer to Moscow, hostile to unionist rhetoric and suspicious of Romania’s role in Moldova. Sandu has moved in the opposite direction, anchoring Moldova’s future in the European Union and strengthening the relationship with Romania.

By restoring Băsescu’s citizenship, Sandu is also correcting a political humiliation inflicted on a former Romanian president who had repeatedly supported Moldova’s European and Romanian identity.

The decision will almost certainly irritate pro-Russian groups in Chișinău. For them, Băsescu remains one of the most visible symbols of Romanian unionism.

Why This Matters for Romania and Moldova

Traian Băsescu is a divisive figure in Romanian politics, but his position on Moldova has been consistent. He has repeatedly argued that the Republic of Moldova and Romania share a common historical and national identity and that reunification remains a legitimate political objective.

For Moldova’s pro-European camp, the restoration of his citizenship is therefore not just a personal victory for Băsescu. It is a signal that the current leadership in Chișinău no longer accepts the political logic imposed by Dodon and his allies.

For Romania, the decision confirms that the relationship with Moldova remains deeply political rather than merely diplomatic. Citizenship, language, identity and European integration continue to overlap in the most sensitive debates between the two states.

Sandu Avoids Direct Unionist Language

Maia Sandu’s message did not openly call for reunification. That is important.

Instead, she spoke about identity, language, European values and the correction of an injustice. This fits her broader political strategy: bringing Moldova closer to Romania and the European Union without allowing pro-Russian forces to reduce her agenda to a single unionist accusation.

The balance is deliberate. Sandu knows that any explicit unionist framing can be used by Moscow-backed forces to mobilise fear, especially among undecided or Russian-speaking voters.

Still, the symbolism is clear. Restoring Băsescu’s citizenship places Romania again at the centre of Moldova’s identity debate.

More Than a Citizenship File

The Băsescu citizenship case has never been only about a passport.

It has always been about Moldova’s direction: Romanian or post-Soviet, European or Russian-influenced, identity-based or geopolitically ambiguous.

By restoring the citizenship of a former Romanian president punished by Igor Dodon for his unionist views, Maia Sandu sends a clear message. Moldova’s current leadership is not afraid to reverse political decisions made under pro-Russian pressure.

For Băsescu, it is a personal and political rehabilitation. For Sandu, it is a calculated gesture of identity politics. For Moldova, it is another sign that the country’s future is being rewritten away from Moscow and closer to Romania and Europe.

Meta description: Former Romanian President Traian Băsescu has regained Moldovan citizenship after Maia Sandu reversed a Dodon-era decision and sent a symbolic message to Romania and Moldova.

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That assumption is starting to look dangerously outdated.

A symbolic moment came during Eurovision 2026, when the Moldovan jury awarded its maximum 12 points to Poland while Romania received only 3 points. Eurovision alone does not define geopolitics, but cultural signals matter. In Eastern Europe, especially, they often reveal deeper shifts already taking place beneath the surface.

What once looked unthinkable is now becoming visible: Poland is steadily building influence in Moldova while Romania risks losing the strategic and emotional position it long considered automatic.

Poland understood that influence must be built continuously

Warsaw has spent the last few years investing in Moldova with far more discipline than many Romanian institutions seem willing to admit publicly.

The strategy is not based on nostalgia or emotional rhetoric. It is based on visibility, media presence, institutional partnerships, support for European integration, and long-term positioning.

One of the clearest examples came in 2025 and 2026, when Polish Public Television expanded the “Vot Tak. Moldova” media project specifically for the Moldovan market. Initially launched for Russian-speaking audiences in Moldova, the project later expanded into Romanian-language content designed to counter Russian narratives, promote European integration and position Poland as a democratic advocate for Moldova’s future.

This is not traditional diplomacy. It is influence architecture. And at that moment, we warned our readers that Poland outplayed Romania in Moldova via media channels.

Poland increasingly presents itself in Moldova as:

• a serious European advocate
• a regional security partner
• a pro-European voice against Russian influence
• a modern Central European success story
• a state capable of offering practical support, not just historical sentiment

This matters.

In modern geopolitics, soft power is not inherited forever. It is maintained through constant presence in the public sphere, media, culture, education, business and political symbolism.

Poland appears to understand this far better than Romania currently does.

Romania relied too much on emotional proximity

Romania’s biggest strategic mistake may have been believing that cultural closeness alone was enough to preserve influence indefinitely.

For years, Bucharest operated under the assumption that Moldova naturally gravitates toward Romania because of language and identity. But generations are changing. Media habits are changing. Political expectations are changing.

Younger Moldovans increasingly evaluate countries based on:

• economic performance
• institutional competence
• political stability
• international relevance
• opportunities and visibility

Poland projects all of these aggressively across Eastern Europe.

Romania, meanwhile, often appears hesitant, internally divided and strategically inconsistent in the Moldovan space. Now, with a president, Nicusor Dan, who looks more like a joke, as Euractiv outlined, Romania’s image is increasingly that of a weak country.

Even when Romania invests financially or politically, it frequently fails to communicate that influence effectively. Visibility matters in soft power. Narrative matters. Perception matters.

Poland has become significantly better at shaping perception.

The media battlefield is changing

The “Vot Tak. Moldova” project is particularly revealing because it demonstrates something Romania still struggles to build consistently: a dedicated narrative engine for Moldova.

The Polish-backed platform does not merely report news. It explains European integration, discusses propaganda mechanisms, promotes democratic narratives and continuously reinforces Poland’s image as a strategic ally of Moldova. The Romanian-language expansion specifically targeted Moldovan audiences in their native language while aligning Poland with Moldova’s European future.

Romania still dominates culturally in many areas, especially through language and television consumption, but dominance is no longer uncontested.

And in geopolitics, losing exclusivity is often the beginning of losing influence.

Moldova is becoming a strategically competitive territory

The Republic of Moldova is no longer just an emotionally symbolic territory for neighbouring states. It is now part of a larger geopolitical competition involving:

• the European Union
• Russia
• Poland
• Romania
• Ukraine
• NATO-aligned regional actors

Within this environment, countries that move faster, communicate better and appear more competent gain influence.

When Romania’s President missed the celebrations of Moldova’s Independence last year, it was clear that Romania was ordered to step back from its sister country, or that Romania’s President had taken bad grades in Geography, let alone History.

Poland’s regional rise after the war in Ukraine strengthened its credibility dramatically across Eastern Europe. Warsaw increasingly looks like a serious strategic centre in the region, while Romania still struggles to project a coherent geopolitical identity externally.

This affects perception inside Moldova as well.

Eurovision was only a symptom

The Moldovan jury’s decision at Eurovision 2026 should not be overinterpreted. Music contests are not diplomatic summits.

But symbols matter because they reflect atmospheres, emotions and public perceptions.

The reaction in Romania was intense precisely because many Romanians instinctively sensed something larger behind the result: a growing emotional and strategic distance between Bucharest and Chisinau, combined with the rise of new external influences.

Poland did not suddenly replace Romania overnight.

But it is increasingly competing for a space Romania once believed belonged exclusively to it.

That may be the real warning signal.

Poland’s Eurovision result makes Moldova’s vote even more revealing

The symbolism becomes even stronger when looking at the final ranking. Poland did not win Eurovision 2026, nor did it finish on the podium. Its entry placed only 12th in the Grand Final, with 150 points.

That makes Moldova’s 12-point jury vote for Poland even more politically and culturally significant. It was not simply a vote for the obvious winner or for the dominant song of the night. It was a maximum score awarded to a country that finished mid-table overall, while Romania, which ended the contest in third place, received only 3 points from the Moldovan jury.

Even more revealing, Moldova appears to have been the only country whose jury awarded Poland the maximum 12 points. No other national jury placed Poland first. In other words, this was not part of a broad European consensus around the Polish song, but a highly specific Moldovan choice.

That detail makes the vote harder to dismiss as a simple musical preference. Poland finished only 12th overall in the Grand Final, yet Moldova outperformed every other entry, including Romania, which finished third.

In symbolic terms, this is precisely where soft power becomes visible: not in official speeches, but in cultural reflexes, institutional preferences and the quiet ranking of who feels closer, more relevant or more strategically aligned.

Romania’s own vote made the signal even harder to ignore

The sequence of the voting made the moment even more uncomfortable. Romania announced its jury points after Moldova, and by then it was already clear that Bucharest had most likely prepared its 12 points for Chisinau. But after Moldova gave its maximum score to Poland and only 3 points to Romania, the Romanian jury did not return the symbolic gesture either. Romania awarded its 12 points to Australia, a country that is not even in Europe, while Moldova received 10 points.

That detail does not cancel the wider argument; it strengthens it. The Eurovision exchange exposed a deeper diplomatic awkwardness: Romania still expects Moldova to behave like the closest cultural partner, but when the symbolic relationship breaks down publicly, Bucharest appears reactive rather than strategically composed. Moldova looked towards Poland. Romania also looked away from Moldova.

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This is not a symbolic buy. Giurgiulești is effectively the Republic of Moldova’s maritime gateway: it sits on the country’s short strip of Danube riverbank, bordering both Romania and Ukraine, and it handles more than 70 per cent of Moldova’s waterborne imports and exports. In practical terms, whoever controls the operator controls a key valve in Moldova’s supply chains for fuels, grains, construction inputs, and general cargo flows.

For Romania, the logic is straightforward: it extends the gravitational pull of the Port of Constanța beyond the Black Sea coastline and deeper into the Danube Basin, consolidating a Romanian-managed corridor that links sea, river, rail, and road routes. Giurgiulești also sits at the edge of the region’s most sensitive trade geography, where war-driven route shifts, sanctions risk management, and the need for redundant corridors have turned ports into strategic infrastructure rather than just commercial facilities. The port is also positioned to play a practical role in the logistics layer of future reconstruction in Ukraine, where bulk commodities, building materials, and fuels will require flexible routing options across the wider Black Sea–Danube system.

The transaction follows a competitive tender process designed to identify a long-term strategic investor, after what was described as strong international interest in the asset. That framing matters: it signals that the buyer is expected to invest, not merely extract cash flow. Port of Constanța has committed to long-term capital spending aimed at capacity expansion, infrastructure upgrades, and tighter integration into its wider Black Sea trade network.

From Chișinău’s perspective, the headline is economic resilience with a political subtext: the country’s most important waterborne trade outlet will now be operated by a Romanian state-owned entity, strengthening day-to-day economic interdependence between the two states. The seller says that under its ownership the port recorded higher throughput, revenues, and profitability, leaving it with a stronger foundation for the next investment cycle.

At the operator level, Danube Logistics’ management is positioning the change as an acceleration rather than a disruption, promising seamless operations and synergies with Constanța while pursuing expansion, new berths, land development, and broader services for shippers. If execution matches the stated plan, Giurgiulești is likely to evolve from a national gateway into a regional node—one that can attract more transit volumes and investment at a time when the Black Sea–Danube interface is being re-priced by geopolitics, security costs, and the coming reconstruction economy.

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The most revealing move is not a summit photo. It is a media product.

Polish Public Television built “Vot Tak. Moldova” as a Moldova-focused news service in 2025, initially produced for a Russian-speaking audience inside Moldova. On 2 February 2026, TVP escalated the project by launching a Romanian-language version for Moldovans. The stated purpose is explicit: expose Russian disinformation, counter Russian narratives in politics and history, and show what Moldova gains from EU accession. This is not charity broadcasting. This is state-grade influence architecture, targeted at a single country, designed to operate continuously.

Now add the political validation. On 26 January 2026, Maia Sandu publicly described Poland as a consistent and credible advocate for Moldova in the European Union. Poland’s President Karol Nawrocki reinforced the script by promising continued support for Moldova’s EU path and reforms. That is how lobbying power works: a target state endorses you as its advocate, you repeat the message with discipline, and then you build instruments underneath until the role becomes “obvious” to everyone in Brussels.

Here is the uncomfortable part for Bucharest.

Romania has structural leverage in Moldova that Poland cannot replicate. Geography, interconnections, language, family ties, economic gravity, and energy connectivity. Romania has delivered real, practical outcomes that matter for Moldova’s resilience. None of that is in dispute.

But Romania still behaves as if proximity automatically equals influence. It does not.

Poland is doing something Romania does not do at scale or with comparable visibility: it is building a dedicated narrative engine for Moldova within its own public media ecosystem and aligning it with a broader political advocacy role. Once you control narrative space, you shape what the public thinks is normal, what reforms look like, what threats look like, and what “Europe” means. Then the rest of the policy stack becomes easier to sell.

Romania continues to operate in its comfort zone. It helps because it feels natural. It assumes the role is reserved for it. It rarely packages its Moldova agenda as a disciplined lobbying file that other capitals can immediately recognise: a clear leadership claim, repeatable instruments, a visible policy brand, and, yes, a strategic media presence that can compete in an information war.

Poland is not “stealing” Moldova from Romania. Poland is taking on the role that Romania refuses to claim.

And this is how you get surpassed without losing a single project on paper. First, you lose the narrative credit. Then you lose agenda control. Then you discover that someone else is now the default advocate in rooms where decisions are shaped.

If Romania wants to stop being treated like a helpful neighbour and start being treated like a strategic sponsor, it has to stop acting like the role is automatic. Poland just proved, with a Moldova-dedicated news service, that modern influence is built, not inherited.

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The Independence Day ceremonies unfolded at the symbolic Great National Assembly Square, where thousands of Moldovans gathered in a vibrant and patriotic spirit. The event featured inspiring speeches by the gathered leaders, a spectacular concert, and cultural performances that highlighted Moldova’s rich heritage and European aspirations.

In her address, President Maia Sandu paid tribute to the resilience and determination of the Moldovan people in the face of ongoing challenges. She emphasised Moldova’s steadfast commitment to democracy, freedom, and the rule of law. “Our independence is not just a date on the calendar—it is a daily commitment to build a just, prosperous nation,” Sandu declared.

French President Emmanuel Macron and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk delivered portions of their speeches in Romanian, which was warmly received by the crowd, strengthening cultural ties and underscoring the deepening relationship between Moldova and the European Union. Chancellor Merz reiterated Germany’s ongoing support for Moldova’s reforms and democratic progress.

The leaders also used the occasion to highlight the importance of European solidarity, particularly ahead of Moldova’s upcoming parliamentary elections, underscoring the collective interest in peace, stability, and democratic governance in the region.

This year’s Moldova Independence Day celebrations in Chișinău were more than a national holiday—they were a powerful demonstration of European friendship and Moldova’s unwavering aspirations for integration with the European community. The unity showcased during the event resonated not only within Moldova but also across Europe, reinforcing the values of dignity, partnership, and shared democratic ideals.

Nicușor Dan, the president of Romania, was notably absent from the Moldova Independence Day 2025 ceremonies in Chișinău. While French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk attended the Independence Day events on August 27, Nicușor Dan is scheduled to visit Moldova on August 31 for the Romanian Language Day celebrations instead.

This scheduling explains Nicușor Dan’s absence from the August 27 ceremony, despite earlier announcements that he would be participating alongside the other European leaders. His visit at the end of August is expected to include meetings with Moldovan officials and participation in events dedicated to the Romanian language and culture in Moldova.

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Election Day Developments

High stakes and significant voter turnout have marked the November 3 election. Earlier counts had shown Stoianoglo in the lead with 50.98% when 88% of votes were counted, but the tide shifted as more ballots were processed, particularly from EU and US locations.

The electoral process has faced several challenges:

Security Concerns: There have been reports of significant interference in the electoral process, raising alarms about the integrity of the vote. The Central Election Commission acknowledged instances of illegal voter transportation from various countries.

Voter Intimidation: Citizens have reported receiving anonymous death threats aimed at discouraging them from voting, which has been described as an extreme attack on democratic participation.

Vote Buying Allegations: Authorities are investigating claims of a scheme allegedly orchestrated by a fugitive oligarch to influence the election in favour of Moscow.

Maia Sandu, a former World Bank economist, has championed closer ties with the European Union and has worked to distance Moldova from Russian influence. After casting her ballot in Chisinau, she emphasized the importance of unity and independence, warning against attempts to undermine the electoral process.

Alexandr Stoianoglo, supported by the pro-Russian Party of Socialists, claims to support EU integration while advocating for improved relations with Russia. He has denied being pro-Kremlin and promised to serve as an apolitical president for all Moldovans.

As the final results are awaited, the implications of this election will likely resonate throughout Moldova’s political landscape and future direction regarding European integration and relations with Russia.

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The influencers had initially participated in a campaign that appeared to be funded by Moscow to boost Stoianoglo’s presidential aspirations. Their actions raised significant concerns about the integrity of political discourse in Romania, particularly regarding accepting foreign payments for political endorsements.

After facing backlash from the public and media, Mocanu, Sterp, and his brother swiftly distanced themselves from the campaign. In their apologies, they expressed regret for their involvement and acknowledged the potential implications of their actions. The influencers emphasized that they did not fully understand the political ramifications of promoting a candidate with ties to foreign interests.

Also, the Romanians denied getting any financial compensation for their endorsement, but they did it for a friend who works for ALxandr Stoianoglo’s campaign. On NOvember 3rd, Moldovans will vote for the presidential elections in a confrontation which oppose Stoianoglo to Maia Sandu, the current president.

Deleting their promotional videos signifies a broader trend among influencers who are increasingly aware of the potential fallout from engaging in politically charged campaigns. This incident also underscores the delicate balance influencers must maintain between personal branding and the ethical considerations of their endorsements.

The public response has been mixed. While some have praised the influencers for taking responsibility and retracting their endorsements, others remain sceptical about their motivations. Critics argue that such actions may be more about protecting their reputations than genuine remorse for influencing public opinion.

This episode highlights the complexities of influencer culture in Romania and raises important questions about accountability in social media marketing.

As foreign influence continues to be a contentious issue in Eastern European politics, Mocanu, Sterp, and his brother’s actions serve as a reminder of the power and responsibility of social media personalities in shaping political narratives.

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The airline informs in a press release that TAROM is introducing special offers on the Bucharest—Chisinau route as part of its tourism promotion partnership with the National Tourism Office and the Employers’ Association of the Tourism Industry of the Republic of Moldova.

TAROM passengers benefit from exclusive offers and discounts at some of the most representative tourist destinations in the Republic of Moldova, based on the boarding pass.

Thus, at Mileștii Mici, the discount is 15% for the tourist packages of the Mileștii Mici Winery. The winery has the most extensive collection of wines in the world, and it was included in the Guinness Book of Records in 2005. The unique collection of wines is preserved in 55-km-long stone galleries.

The TAROM company has a consistent representation in the Republic of Moldova and actively supports local tourism through the agency in Chisinau.

Through direct connections and daily flights from seven important cities in Romania – Cluj-Napoca, Iași, Oradea, Satu Mare, Suceava, Timișoara and Baia Mare – TAROM ensures fast and convenient access for tens of thousands of Romanian and international tourists to Bucharest and then to Chisinau, through the 21 weekly flights’ the release states.

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If times change, and there will be a relaxation regarding the accession of the Republic of Moldova to the EU, you have the solution: vote in the Parliament for the union with Romania! This means entering the EU overnight. But let’s not be naive: the Republic of Moldova has Russian troops and separatism on its territory. If politicians choose to join the Union with Romania or join the EU, they will have to decide on the separation of Transnistria from the Republic of Moldova. This is because it is not possible to “import” frozen conflicts inside the EU (…) Without launching speculations, I say only one thing: the Republic of Moldova can’t bring inside the EU a frozen conflict, such as the one in Transnistria, which also has troops of the Russian Federation on its territory and armaments, and ammunition storage – all the evils that the EU avoids.

Ex-Romanian President Traian Basescu on how the Republic of Moldova can join EU

Transnistria, a narrow strip of land along the Dniester River, is a breakaway region within Moldova that declared independence in 1990 but remains unrecognized internationally. The region is heavily influenced by Russia, which maintains a military presence there, complicating Moldova’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Despite being officially part of Moldova, Transnistria operates as a de facto independent state with its government, military, and currency. This creates a significant geopolitical dilemma for Moldova’s aspirations to join the European Union.

The former pro-Russian president of the Republic of Moldova, the socialist Igor Dodon, reacted harshly in the local media after Traian Băsescu declared that the Moldovans must give up Transnistria if they want to enter the European Union. His adversity to Western Europe is well known in his country and beyond Moldovan borders. Even so, his speech can make Moldovans think twice before making any decision.

“Traian Basescu surrendered everything he could in Romania to the Americans, and he came to us to teach us lessons?! Mr. President, mind your own business. We will somehow clarify ourselves and without you. I saw that you really hope that two presidents will come to liquidate the Republic of Moldova after the presidential elections in Romania and Moldova. If there were a normal government in the Republic of Moldova, they would expel Băsescu from the country for such declarations of the liquidation of the Republic of Moldova. Still, we have some traitors who do not want to do this. Now you understand, dear fellow citizens, why the decision was correct when I withdrew Basescu’s citizenship, which was granted in violation of the legislation by the former president who was up to me.

Former Moldovan President Igor Dodon reacting to Traian Basescu statements on the unification between Moldova and Romania

The unresolved conflict with Transnistria poses a security risk and an obstacle to meeting the EU’s political and economic criteria for membership. Russian troops and the lack of control over this region challenge Moldova’s ability to implement EU-aligned reforms and policies comprehensively, thus hindering its European integration efforts.

Even so, the European Union has signed an agreement to contribute to the security of the Republic of Moldova. This is a premiere for the EU, which promises to defend a third-party country if needed.

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We are here today to recognize and appreciate your courage and determination. We are here to celebrate sport and health. Every step you take on this long distance is due to your inner strength. Each of you probably has your reason for undertaking this challenge. Still, there is also a common reason – to shorten the distance from Chisinau to Bucharest, to bring the Republic of Moldova closer to Romania, to strengthen peace, friendship and solidarity. This is also what I want for our country – to trust our own forces, to move forward together, despite the obstacles, to become part of the big European family because we are all united by our love for the country, by our desire to ensure peace, freedom and well-being.

Moldova’s President Maia Sandu supporting the contenders.

RUBICON 2024 encourages an active and healthy lifestyle and is also an opportunity to discover the crossed regions’ unique landscapes and cultural richness. The participants become ambassadors of friendship between Romania and the Republic of Moldova and, through their example, will send a strong message of openness and solidarity, said the president of the Romanian National Agency for Sports, Elisabeta Lipă, who was quoted in a press release of the competition’s organizers.

The group of runners will enter Romania through the Oancea border crossing point. The participants will carry water and food and run both day and night. The entire route is estimated to be covered in about 52 hours. A bus provided by the organizers will accompany the athletes throughout the event. The winner of RUBICON 2024 will receive, in addition to the cup, a special shield to place all the badges of the won stages.

The planned route is 478 kilometers long and will pass through Ialoveni, Cimișlia, Taraclia, Gagauzia, and Cahul, as well as the Romanian counties Galați, Brăila, Buzău, Ialomița, and Ilfov and Bucharest. Each area corresponds to at least one and a maximum of ten of the 46 stages of the race.

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